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Superb demolition of the EU
OverwhelmingIf you support the European Community, reading this book will change your mind -- if you dare read it.
Excellent

Entertaining travel storyThis is a very amusing, thoughtful and readable book - the best Steinbeck I've read.
Post-war Russia through very talented eyesI read this as both a photographer and one who was recently in Russia and the insight provided was very enjoyable and educating. Capa's mannerisms and method of photography allowed his subjects to open up and feel comfortable in his lens -- not an easy thing since so many of the people had lost family and suffered terribly. Steinbeck's writing is honest, funny and his skills as a non-partisan reporter really shine in this work.
In the wake of the War

A transcendental work with a message
Rethink and Reshape; Believing in God in 2002
God Evolves

Revolutionary opponents of Stalin's regime
The future in the past
Russian opposition from the 1920s to the 1970sMy favorite section is the anonymous "Memoirs of a Bolshevik-Leninist", written by a veteran of Lenin's Bolshevik Party and member of Leon Trotsky's Left Opposition, imprisoned by the regime until the 1950s.


Well-researched and written
moving journey through the torment of courageous women
An achingly disturbing, but important, read.As a young woman (34 years old) and a mother of three (which qualifies me as a caregiver, I guess), my heart went out to these brave women, struggling to impart some small measure of kindness or at least relief of suffering to their fellow prisoners. Women and children are seemingly the most vulnerable when society engages in chaos, but the women caregivers chronicled in this book were apparently among the most intrepid of all. I believe they gathered strength from the acts of focusing on giving aid to others in the most desperate of circumstances. Anyone who is interested in what the human spirit can endure, and indeed, overcome, should read this book.


Please write volume 3!
The finest treatment of its subject
Comprehensive, accessible, and supremely coherent

A great soap opera.
A masterpiece of characterization
The breaking of the seven seals, courtesy of Dostoevsky

The Book to Have on the Soviet Spy RingIt clarifies in an easy and readable manner the significance of codes the ring used, (Werther was not a person, but a 'cover code' signifying the text info. was army related. 'Cover code' Olga was info. about the Luftwaffe). It also shows the breadth and depth of the 'underground' of people involved in destroying the Nazi regime, Communist and non-Communist. (Rossler was a right-wing conservative).
Drawn from sources recently made available from the ex-Soviet state, interviews with survivors, and established known data from the War, it puts to 'lie' the historically flawed book "Hitler's Traitor" by Kilzer and shows him to be a 'sensationalist' whose book should be in the 'fiction' classification.
truthfull telling of spy ring
Gripping,top-notch book. Reads like a fast-paced thriller.

Brilliant
Bolshevik Crimes ExposedWilliam Hughes, J.D. Baltimore, MD. (Published in the journal of the Social Justice Review, July-August, 2000 issue.)
Gives an exceptionally valuable insight into Stalin's purges

Where was the editor?1. Russians do not have middle names. It should be Andrey Dmitrievich Sakharov, or A.D. Sakharov, or Andrey Sakharov, but NOT Andrey D. Sakharov.
2. There are A LOT of mistakes in spelling of Russian names and book titles.
3. In two Greek words (allegedly by Plato), chresimos pseudos, I found 3 (THREE) errors: there are no zetas it those words at all, only sigmas.
4. By the time of Versailles Treaty, Romania had been on the map of Europe for about 50 years; it had not been created as a result of that treaty . . .
etc., etc., etc.
I do not believe Professor Weeks doesn't know when Romania was created. I blame copyeditor and proofreader . . . if there were any.
Stalin's plans for warAlbert Weeks provides an essential corrective to this view. Drawing on newly available documents and his wide reading in Russian historians, Weeks argues forcefully for the view that Stalin had long had an imperialist project in mind for Soviet expansion into Europe, and specifically had the aim of striking his "ally" Germany. Hitler did not end a healthy alliance but only managed to surprise Stalin before Stalin could surprise him.
For a book in Soviet history, which has been loaded down with didactic interpretations on both sides, this book is refreshingly reasonable. Weeks weighs and assesses each bit of evidence he finds. He does not force evidence to fit his interpretation when there is room for doubt. And he is morally serious without being preachy.
Balanced and thoughtful histories of the USSR are finally possible. Who knows what other archives are going to be released? Which former Soviet officials will come clean about old state secrets? If Albert Weeks's book is any sign, reassessments of the USSR's past have a promising future.
Stalin's plans for a pre-emptive strike against HitlerProfessor Weeks presents the reader with a lot of newly discovered secret information from documents from formerly closed Soviet archives.
Among these documents are transcripts of Stalin's famous toast to graduates of the Military academies from the 5th of May, 1941, and the text of Stalin's previously hotly disputed secret speech to the Soviet Politburo, dated August 19, 1939, just days before signing the Hitler-Stalin Pact including its secret protocol about the territorial division of Poland, the Baltics and Bessarabia. The text was discovered in Russian archives and has also been confirmed by diary entries of Comintern head Dimitrov. Stalin predicts that Germany will have to fight a long war against France and England, allowing the Soviet Union to sovietize not only defeated Germany but also France.
An even more important document is from the Soviet General Staff. It is a war plan against Germany, calling explicitly for a pre-emptive strike against German forces! The document, titled "Considerations of the Plan for the Strategic Deployment of the Armed forces of the Soviet Union in Case of War with Germany and its Allies", is dated May 15, 1941. It has been prepared mainly by General, later Marshal, A. Vasilievsky, Deputy Head of the Operations Department of the Soviet General Staff (Stavka). The Memorandum was presented to Stalin by Commissar of Defense S. Timoshenko and Chief of the General Staff G. Zhukov.
The document "Considerations..." (15 handwritten pages long) is explicitly calling for a pre-emptive strike against German forces.
This is fully in line with the offensive military doctrine of the Soviets that called for "Deep Operations" into enemy territory (a fact confirmed by many Soviet Officers and historians, but neglected and disputed by Colonel Glantz and historian Gorodetsky, both of whom are using pro-Soviet arguments throughout their books. In fact, Weeks deals both Glantz's and Gorodetsky's apologia of Stalin a deadly blow with his well researched book. Glantz and Gorodetsky have been granted access to Soviet archives precisely because they stick to the official Soviet historiography, I believe).
Weeks uses a number books and documents that have only recently been published in Russia, and thereby allows the reader to form his own opinion based on these materials. This is a great advantage over many other books that try to ignore every little detail that might contradict the author?s arguments. Some of the documents in this book have never been published in English language before in their entirety. The wealth of information Weeks is able to present Stalin's "offensist" intentions is convincing to anyone with an open mind.
There can be no doubt: Stalin had detailed plans of attacking Hitler, it just happened that Hitler managed to strike first.
The only criticism I have about this book is, that the "Considerations" are not published in their full length (The document has been fully published in Austria and Germany, however). Anyone with an interest in the latest revelations from Stalin's archives should read this fascinating book. Highly recommended!
THIS BRILLIANT book is a devastating exposure of the pretensions of those who want to rule Europe. It shows that the attempts to achieve monetary and economic union, and consequently political union, are bad for us. They will not bring monetary stability, economic growth or political harmony. Instead they will destabilise currencies, reduce growth and promote hatred between the nations of Europe.
Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) is supposed to build on the experience of the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM). Britain's membership of the ERM forced us into a disastrous and quite unnecessary recession. After two years of suffering, Major said in July 1992 that Britain would soon be the leader of the ERM. Two months later, we were well out of it, and ERM had bermbed, as Jacques Clouseau, Major's mentor, would say.
ERM constrained British Government policy on non-monetary matters too. The Government appeased Spain over the fishing dispute to keep Spain happy about the sterling/peseta rate. So the Common Fisheries Policy, so damaging to Britain's fishing industry, is not an isolated EU aberration: it stems from the whole logic of economic and monetary union.
The ERM was described as the Eternal Recession Mechanism; EMU is likely to be Even More Useless. The ERM kept the poor countries poor; it did not help them to converge; it certainly did not help them to meet the Maastricht criteria. Spain's experience of ERM was catastrophic: 22% unemployed. The ERM forced Denmark into recession: unemployment doubled to 12%, the budget was slashed, and investment, output and wages all fell. In the ERM, Ireland's unemployment soared from 11% to 23%. ERM subordinated nations' economic interests to minorities' foreign policy goals: ruling class interests dominated working class interests. Some still claim that ERM and EMU could control capital, but actually they were and are attacks on the working class.
A 1992 report by the Monetary Committee, which advises the EU's Council of Ministers, admitted that ERM did not stabilise prices or money and did not reduce inflation. Perhaps it was after all just a tool for moving countries towards political union.
The book also depicts the present dangerous struggle between the French and German ruling classes for control over the proposed institutions of a single European state. Germany is determined to keep the Deutschmark and the Bundesbank: it wants EMU so that it can assimilate other countries into an expanded Deutschmark zone. France wants a new currency and wants to get its hands on the Bundesbank; it pushed for the Maastricht Treaty, which would destroy the Deutschmark. Who would control Europe's currency? Who would control the proposed new European Central Bank? Germany or France?
As Wilhelm Nolling, a Bundesbank Council member, said: "We should be under no illusion - the present controversy over the new European monetary order is about power, influence and the pursuit of national interests."
They are already fighting about the 1996 InterGovernmental Conference. Germany wants the economic criteria for EMU met as soon as possible: it insists that economic convergence must precede monetary union. France wants the earliest possible date for monetary union, believing that monetary union would produce economic convergence. Both are wrong of course: convergence cannot and will not be achieved, either way.
EMU's implications are universally unpopular. The workers of France, Italy and Belgium are striking against the EU's schemes. The Austrian Government fell in October, unable to pass the EU-required budget.
We can see both from ERM's effects, and from the effects of the attempted imposition of the Maastricht criteria, how damaging membership of EMU would be. It would cause, as intended, a permanent lowering of wages, a permanently higher level of unemployment, and massive cuts in public spending.
Connolly sums up: "My central thesis is that the ERM and EMU are not only inefficient but also undemocratic: a danger not only to our wealth but to our freedoms and ultimately, our peace. The villains of the story - some more culpable than others - are bureaucrats and self-aggrandizing politicians. The ERM is a mechanism for subordinating the economic welfare, democratic rights and national freedom of citizens of the European countries to the will of political and bureaucratic elites whose power-lust, cynicism and delusions underlie the actions of the vast majority of those who now strive to create a European superstate. The ERM has been their chosen instrument, and they have used it cleverly."